Jyoti Basu லேபிளுடன் இடுகைகளைக் காண்பிக்கிறது. அனைத்து இடுகைகளையும் காண்பி
Jyoti Basu லேபிளுடன் இடுகைகளைக் காண்பிக்கிறது. அனைத்து இடுகைகளையும் காண்பி

சனி, 28 மார்ச், 2015

Somnath Chatterjee inaugurates an exhibition on Com.Jyoti Basu

           
            Former Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee inaugurated an exhibition of portraits and sketches on Com.Jyoti Basu at the Academy of Fine Arts on Tuesday.
          The event, that was held to commemorate the 100th Birth Anniversary of Com.Jyoti Basu, will continue for a week.
           "Jyotibabu is the tallest example in politics of how to serve people. People might have at times thought that he was a very reserved person. But having worked closely with him, I have seen how intense his feelings and emotions for people were. Jyoti Basu used to say politics was the only way to serve the masses. He did politics by putting his heart into it," Chatterjee said.

செவ்வாய், 31 டிசம்பர், 2013

Rajiv Gandhi twice asked Jyoti Basu to become Prime Minister of India...!

        
               Rajiv Gandhi had wanted Jyoti Basu to become the Prime Minister and had pleaded with him twice during the politically tumultuous times of 1990 and 1991, former CBI director and West Bengal DGP Arun Prosad Mukherjee has revealed in his autobiography.
            The recently-released book — "Unknown Facets of Rajiv Gandhi, Jyoti Basu, Indrajit Gupta" — is based on Mukherjee's diary entries, maintained from the time he joined IPS in 1956, and his interactions with Rajiv, Basu and Gupta in various capacities as Darjeeling SP, Bengal DGP, state vigilance commissioner, CBI boss, special secretary in the home ministry, and finally, advisor to the home minister (Indrajit Gupta).
         Mukherjee was special secretary, home ministry, in October 1990 when Rajiv informally asked him to arrange a meeting with Basu, says the book. The communist leader said it was not his call and only the party's central committee and Politburo could take such a decision. CPM vetoed it and Chandrashekhar — Rajiv's third choice — became PM with Congress support. 
         In 1991, when Chandrashekhar turned out to be a failure, Rajiv again approached Basu but he declined and referred the matter to his party leadership. Mukherjee writes that he took Rajiv's emissary for a meeting with senior CPM leaders at former MP Biplab Dasgupta's house. "But my worst conjecture proved right ... and thus ended the second opportunity of putting up the Left Front's best foot forward in the larger interest of Bengal."
        Five years later, thanks to a hung Parliament, several local satraps, including Mulayam Singh Yadav, proposed Basu's name again for Prime Minister. And again the CPM central committee voted against it. In an interview at the end of 1996, Basu termed it a "historic blunder". "However, it is not generally known that such blunders had taken place twice in 1990-91... largely because of the unrealistic, short-sighted and 'blunder-proof' mindset of CPM leaders," writes the former DGP.
             The CPM leadership has been taken aback by Mukherjee's revelation. Rajya Sabha MP Shyamal Chakraborty, who wrote to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh earlier this year for a commemorative postage stamp on Basu's centenary, told TOI on Monday: "I had no idea about this, so I can't comment on something I don't know of."
               Former Lok Sabha Speaker and expelled CPM leader Somnath Chatterjee didn't know of it either. "It (not allowing Basu to become PM) was the weirdest example of democratic centralism. I respectfully agree with Jyoti-babu's 'historic blunder' comment. I wish the blunder hadn't been committed and history would have been written differently. Look what's happened to the party now — it's become politically irrelevant."
               Chatterjee agreed with Mukherjee's remark in his book that the country's "murky political and administrative ethos" then would have been transformed with Basu at the helm.
            Speaking to TOI, the 82-year-old Mukherjee said: "All three (Gandhi, Basu and Gupta) were different personalities. Jyoti Basu was firm, Rajiv was extremely courteous while Indrajit Gupta was a straight-talker. But they trusted me and allowed me to speak my mind. They knew about my integrity."
            About the "blunder" he said, "The CPM leadership refused to see reason and there was no way one could convince them." His writing is more explicit: "All the implications and finer points made out by me in favour of Jyoti Basu accepting Rajiv Gandhi's offer of prime ministership though presumably for a short period of 8-12 months went over the heads of Left Front leaders — thanks to their blinkered vision." 
        
What happened....?
  # 1990: Basu tops Rajiv list of 3 prospective PMs but CPM says no. Chandrashekar, the last name on Rajiv's list, after Devi Lal, becomes PM.
   #  1991: Chandrashekar flops. Rajiv again requests Basu. Mukherjee says he will arrange a meet if Rajiv ensures Basu is PM for at least a year. Rajiv agrees. Basu says party must decide. CPM again says no.
   #  1996: After the fall of 13-day-old Vajpayee govt, United Front asks Basu to be PM. Yet again, CPM says no.  

சனி, 6 ஜூலை, 2013

Lal Salam Comrade Jyoti Basu...!



Com. Sitaram Yechury,
Polit Bureau Member, CPI(M)

JULY 8, 2013 marks 
the beginning of 
the birth centenary of 
Comrade Jyoti Basu.... 



          Even though all of us are aware of the inviolable law of Nature that once life is born, it has to cease to exist one day, this remains, universally, the most difficult inevitability to come to terms with.  Comrade Jyoti Basu’s absence,  particularly in today’s circumstances, is felt in every turn and twist. Yet, in his absence, it is incumbent on our part to carry forward his legacy to advance the objective for which he contributed all his life – the establishment of socialism in India and eventually in the world. 



THE LEGACY

Jyoti Basu’s seven decade long political life is synchronous with the evolution of modern India.  For this very reason, he was always a source of inspiration and a `role model’ for the younger generation.  His legacy will continue to be such a source.  He, truly, was one of the legends of modern India, not only of the Communist movement. 

        Having gone to England to return as a Bar-at-Law, he was attracted to the Communist worldview, embraced the ideology and returned to India in 1940 not to don the black robes but to plunge directly into the freedom struggle by joining the Communist Party. Karl Marx had once said that when an idea grips the minds of the masses, it becomes a material force. The desire for independence from British rule had gripped the Indian masses when Jyoti Basu joined the Communist movement. He, however, was thinking ahead of what should be the character and content of independent India.  The political independence that would be achieved needed to be converted into the true economic independence of every Indian. This meant the creation of a socialist society where exploitation of man by man simply ceases to exist.  It is with this passion that remained undiluted till the end that he served the  Indian people.  During the course of his long and illustrious life, he had to face many trials and tribulations but the commitment to the cause, however, never wavered.  He is a `role model’ precisely for this reason: sheer power of his commitment to his convictions.

            Modern India, post independence, was evolving through major struggles that led eventually to the integration of the feudal princely States into the Indian Union.  The struggles led by the Communists brought to the fore the agenda of land reforms and the abolition of feudal zamindari and other land tenure systems.  This was also the period when the various linguistic nationalities in India which had united in the struggle for freedom, were seeking their distinct identity.  A process that finally led to the linguistic reorganisation of the Indian States in 1956. 

          Jyoti Basu's political evolution converged  with the evolution of modern India based irrevocably on the premise that the recognition and celebration of India's diversity can only be on the basis of its secular democratic foundations.  

            Jyoti Basu's firm commitment to our country's secular democratic character and administrative structures  remained a constant feature of his work and activities.  As communal forces represent the very antithesis of this evolution of modern India, Jyoti Basu worked to isolate and defeat the communal forces and strengthen the secular polity. 

          Simultaneously, his entire concentration was on  carrying forward the struggle to convert India's political independence into economic independence for its people – socialism.  Within the Indian Communist movement, however, a very intense ideological battle erupted on how this was to be achieved.  Steering clear and battling against both the  right and left deviations, Jyoti Basu, alongwith his other comrades who eventually formed the CPI(M), adopted the correct line of combining parliamentary and extra parliamentary activity and struggles to achieve this objective.    Jyoti Basu excelled in using parliamentary democracy, its institutions and fora for both advancing this struggle and simultaneously providing greater relief to the people.

          The implementation of land reforms, the deepening of democracy by developing the panchayati raj institutions and the articulation of the need for better centre-state relations to strengthen India's federal character were some of his  important contributions to the process of the consolidation of modern India.  These apart, he was one of the first to constitute separate ministries for environment and science and technology. 

            Apart from all these, the main facet of Jyoti Basu's personality that attracted people towards him was his unassailable faith in them.  He would always urge the Party and its cadre to go to the people and explain to them what we are doing and take them into confidence. This faith in the people was the strength of his credibility. They never questioned or even doubted his integrity. 



JYOTI BASU AS CM

           Jyoti Basu voluntarily demitted office of the chief ministership in West Bengal, in 2000, after a record tenure of 23 long years, setting new standards of political culture and morality in India. The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) had accepted his desire to step down since he was not satisfied with not being able to discharge his administrative responsibilities as he was  capable of doing earlier. In an atmosphere where the lust for power has seldom seen people demitting office on such considerations, this had come as a breath of fresh air.

             When Jyoti Basu took over as chief minister in 1977, the poverty ratio in West Bengal was nearly 52 per cent. In 1994, this had come down to 26 per cent, a decline of 4.2 per cent per year. West Bengal thus ranked the first, in poverty reduction, amongst all states in India. Incidentally, the state ranking second is Kerala, with 3.7 per cent decline per year. (source: India: Policies to Reduce Poverty, World Bank, 2000).  In comparison, the rate for Maharashtra was 2.7 percent and in 1994 43.5 per cent of its population lived in poverty.

        Similarly, in terms of annual rates of growth of the Gross state Domestic Product, West Bengal ranked No 3, behind Gujarat and Maharashtra with a 6.9 per cent growth per annum. Between 1991-92 and 1997-98 in per capita terms, it stood once again in third place following Gujarat and Maharashtra with a 5.04 per annum increase. (source: Montek Singh Ahluwalia, EPW, May 6, 2000).

            Phenomenal advances have been made in the sphere of  agriculture. During this period, West Bengal was transformed from being a chronic heavy food deficit state into one with surplus. By the time Jyoti Basu demitted office, it became the highest rice producing state in the country. West Bengal contributed nearly 20 per cent of the increase in rice production in the entire country. The yield per hectare has also shown substantial increase. More than 90 per cent of the state's agricultural holdings belong to marginal and small farmers, as a result of the success of Operation Barga.  As a result of the successful implementation of land reforms, noted economist Dr Nilakant Rath then analysed that the growth in per capita net domestic product of the agricultural production between 1981-82 and 1994-95 went up by 22 per cent for the whole of India but in West Bengal it went up by a whopping 70 per cent. In 1981-82, West Bengal was amongst the lowest in the country with its per capita net agricultural product being 18 per cent lower than the all India average. By 1994-95, it was above the all India average by about 10 per cent.

          These phenomenal achievements in agriculture have once again validated the position that land reforms are not an exercise meant only to achieve distributive rights. While achieving this they also unleashed rapid leaps in productivity which go a long way in reducing the overall levels of poverty.

               In terms of distributive justice, it merits repetition that during Jyoti Basu's tenure as chief minister, 13 lakh acres of agricultural land were distributed amongst the landless. These were illegally held by vested interests in the past. Even if a nominal value of Rs One lakh per hectare is considered, then the value of the land distributed would be to the tune of  Rs 13 crore. Such has been the dimension of asset redistribution in West Bengal in favour of the poor and landless.
            Thus by all counts, West Bengal during these 23 years under Jyoti Basu's stewardship had shown that it is possible to both alleviate poverty and stimulate growth. But, one should not miss the wood for the trees. All this was possible not because Jyoti Basu or the Left Front government blindly embraced the economic policies of liberalisation. This was possible because they made one fundamental departure from the economic philosophy of liberalisation. And that is in the decisive role of State intervention in achieving the objectives and priorities. Contrary to the liberalisation pundits who advocate the withdrawal of the State from the economic sphere and abdication by the State of its social responsibilities, the Left Front government in West Bengal has played the role of the catalyst in stimulating economic development and the role of the initiator in generating sweeping agrarian reforms.

STERLING PERSONAL QUALITIES
            During my association with Comrade Jyoti Basu in our Party’s Central Committee for over two and a half decades, there are many admirable qualities of his that need to be emulated.  One, is his unassailable faith in the power of reasoning based on the Marxist outlook.  No argument can ever be won with him on the basis of passion or emotions. 
          The other facet of his personality is humaneness.   During  these years, I had on a few occasions travelled abroad with him, when he held the office of the chief minister.  Being the chief minister of West Bengal, he,  naturally,  was entitled to a preferential treatment. But, he always preferred  to travel with other comrades and, till his last day in office, travelled only in the economy class of Indian Airlines.  During such visits, he would, forever, be concerned about the welfare of the other comrades always by taking interest in their comforts and needs. I have, for instance, never seen him losing his patience even once!
          Another enduring quality of his was a self-imposed discipline with which he conducted his personal and political life.  He displayed the rearest of soldier-like quality when his opinion in 1996 to accept the offer to become the prime minister in the United Front government  was rejected by a majority of the Central Committee.  Subsequently, the Party Congress at Kolkata in 1998 had endorsed the Central Committee majority opinion.  Notwithstanding his personal opinion, he, till the end, upheld the majority view  and worked steadfastly discharging his responsibilities.  Such steadfast loyalty to the organisational principles of a Communist Party and its strict norms of discipline is a quality that the younger generation needs to emulate. 
               Comrade Jyoti Basu had a unique sense of humour.  In September 1993, both of us travelled to Cuba at the invitation of the Communist Party of Cuba for meetings with Fidel Castro and the Party leadership.  We travelled via the Spanish capital, Madrid. On our return journey, we had a full day waiting to catch the flight back to India.  The Indian Ambassador to Spain asked if there was anything in particular we would like to see in Madrid.  Comrade Jyoti Basu looked at me. I said that since the original `Guernica’ of Picasso was in a museum in Madrid, it would be nice to see that.  This conversation was on our way to Cuba. However, when we returned to Madrid, Comrade Jyoti Basu was not really feeling up to the mark to visit the museum. He suggested that I should however go. Upon which the Indian Ambassador said that the museum was being specially opened, on its scheduled off day, for Jyoti Basu.  Hearing this, JB said, “How would they recognise Jyoti Basu as they had never seen him before! Let Sitaram go, they would not know the difference!”  Eventually I did go alone, the museum was opened and I saw the `Guernica’!



CARRY FORWARD THE STRUGGLES

           The consolidation of the modern Indian Republic and elevating the much required bar of political morality can be achieved only by pursuing this course as  lived by Jyoti Basu.  The strengthening of the secular democratic foundations and, importantly, to complete the unfinished task of converting  the political independence of the country into the true economic emancipation of the people, will define the contours  of such a consolidation.  The widening hiatus between `shining' and `suffering' India needs to be overcome.

      This, in turn, requires, from all of us, the strengthening of the spirit of selfless service to the people and the country.  Pledging his body to serve medical science, Jyoti Basu on April 4, 2003, wrote : “As a Communist, I am pledged to serve humanity till my last breath.  I am happy that now I will continue to serve even after my death.”

              Jyoti Basu's indomitable fighting spirit that he displayed all his life was there to be seen in his death as well.  Running his 96th year when he was brought to the hospital with pneumonia, medical science and doctors, naturally, saw not much hope.  Jyoti Basu, as always, was to surprise everybody.  For 17 days, the fight continued.  `Never say give up' sums up the spirit of his life.

         He is the last of the original nine member Polit Bureau to leave us – the navaratnas that founded the CPI(M) and steered it  through very troubling and exacting times.  The only homage that we can pay to Comrade Jyoti Basu is by redoubling our resolve to carry forward the struggle for human emancipation and liberty to its logical conclusion. 

        
Lal Salam Comrade Jyoti Basu.
courtesy :  People's Democracy

வெள்ளி, 5 ஜூலை, 2013

"A Glorious Life and Example" - a tribute to Com. Jyoti Basu...!







 Com. Prakash Karat         
 General Secretary, CPI(M)          


          THE birth centenary of an outstanding Communist leader like Jyoti Basu should be an occasion to make an appraisal of the significant contributions made through the life and work of the leader and to draw up a balance sheet of the lessons and achievements of his political career. It must then be used to educate the new generation of Communists and progressives, so that it helps them in their ongoing endeavour for a social transformation.
           Jyoti Basu became a legend as a Communist leader in his life time. No other leader of the Communist movement was known and respected by the people all over the country as much as Jyoti Basu. How did this come about?
             Jyoti Basu’s name was synonymous with all the major currents of Left politics and the basic class movements. Throughout his life as a Communist, he was associated with the working class movement. After he came back from Britain, he joined the Communist Party and straight away began work in the railway workers trade union. Till his last years, he remained a leader of the CITU.
           He became a symbol of the peasant movement when he utilised the United Front government of 1967-70 to unleash the land struggles and when he, as chief minister of the Left Front government, undertook the extreme land reform measures. So his political activity involved both the worker and peasant movements.
                One of the distinctive contributions of Jyoti Basu was the way he integrated work in the legislature with the people's movements and workers struggles outside. Jyoti Basu was elected to the Bengal legislature from a railway constituency in 1946 before independence. From then onwards, for more than five decades, he effectively utilised his presence in the legislature for developing and strengthening the Party's influence and movements outside. When the Tebhaga movement of the peasantry began in 1947, Jyoti Basu extensively toured the districts where the movement was taking place for a first hand report and raised the issue effectively in the assembly.
            In 1953, he became the secretary of the Provincial Committee of the CPI and continued in this post till 1961. During these eight years, big movements took place such as the food movement of 1959 in which 80 people were killed in police firing and lathicharges. Jyoti Basu, as secretary of the Party, was in the forefront of this movement while relentlessly raising the demands of the people on food inside the assembly.
              Earlier, when the school teachers' strike took place in February 1954, many leaders of the school teachers association and the Party were arrested. There was a warrant for the arrest of Jyoti Basu and the police kept a vigil outside the assembly on the opening day of the session to arrest him. Jyoti Basu managed to enter the assembly and stayed for around a week inside the premises where the police could not enter. He was able to raise the issue of the teachers strike inside the assembly and came out to attend the teachers rally and got arrested. Here was a striking example of how Jyoti Basu, as a legislator, utilised the assembly to champion the cause of the working people.
         Jyoti Basu was a man of great personal courage. In July 1969, when he was the home minister, a mob of policeman invaded the assembly building, having been instigated to do so after a policeman was killed in a clash. They smashed up furniture inside the assembly and entered Jyoti Basu's room. Jyoti Basu calmly faced the rampaging policemen and firmly told them to stop such behaviour. Taken aback by his composure, the policemen quietly left his room.
             It was Jyoti Basu who showed how Communist participation in the state government should be utilised to strengthen the democratic movement. During the two stints of the United Front government between 1967-1970, as the home minister, he did not allow the police to intervene in the struggles of the workers and the peasants. During the land struggle which swept West Bengal, Jyoti Basu declared that the government would not obstruct the peasants who were identifying the benami lands and taking them over. It is this experience which helped the CPI(M) to formulate its approach and tactics while working in the state governments.
           The biggest contribution of Jyoti Basu came with the formation of the Left Front government in 1977, of which he became the chief minister. The remarkable record of the Left Front government for over three decades owes a lot to Jyoti Basu's leadership of the government for an unbroken 23 years. It was under his stewardship that the road map for land reforms was chalked out and implemented. These path-breaking reforms led to 1.1 million acres of land being distributed to 2.5 million landless and marginal farmers and 1.53 million bargadars (sharecroppers) being registered and provided security of tenure.
          Side by side with the land reforms, the three-tier panchayat system revitalised by decentralisation of powers was instituted. Much before the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, West Bengal showed the way in democratising the panchayat system.
           An achievement which is taken for granted today is the establishment of a secular atmosphere in the state. Bengal, before independence, witnessed the rise of communal politics and partition saw large-scale communal violence. But the advance of the Left movement and the establishment of the Left Front government laid the basis for a major transformation. Jyoti Basu symbolised the firm adherence to secularism not only in West Bengal but the entire country. All minorities felt protected and lived free from communal attacks. The whole country praised the firm stand of Jyoti Basu which prevented any attack on the Sikh minority in West Bengal after the assassination of Indira Gandhi.
          Semi-fascist terror was unleashed in West Bengal during the 1970s. More than 1200 comrades were killed during this period and thousands were forced to leave their homes. Repression by the class enemies have to be faced by the Communist movement at various times. How successfully such repression and violence is faced determines the future of the movement. Under the leadership of Jyoti Basu and Promode Dasgupta, the Party withstood this severe attack and did not get isolated from the people. Today, when the Party and the Left Front is again facing severe attacks in West Bengal, the example of Jyoti Basu’s mature leadership at such a juncture should be a guiding light.
           For seven decades, Jyoti Basu as a Communist saw various ups and downs in the international Communist movement. But his commitment to Marxism never wavered. Till the end he believed that socialism is the only alternative for humanity.
          In the practice and development of the Communist movement in India, Jyoti Basu played a key role in many aspects. On how Communists should work in legislatures; in implementing land reforms; in decentralising power through the panchayati raj system; in defending secularism and democracy. Few leaders in independent India can claim to have contributed to defending the rights of the working people, deepening democracy and strengthening the secular principle as much as Jyoti Basu has done.
           The year long birth centenary celebrations should commemorate this glorious life and work.
courtesy :    

People's Democracy

வெள்ளி, 29 மார்ச், 2013

Fidel Castro & Jyoti Basu among those honoured by Bangladesh....!

        
         Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro,  former British Prime Minister Lord Harold Wilson; and former West Bengal Chief Minister Jyoti Basu were among the 69 ‘foreign friends’ honoured by Bangladesh on Sunday for their contribution to the country’s liberation war in 1971.

         This is the sixth phase of the awards, given out to ‘foreign friends’, a process that began during the current government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.
          Friends from Cuba, United Kingdom, Pakistan, India, Nepal, Japan, the United States, Australia and Sweden have been awarded in two categories — ‘Friends of Liberation War Honour’ and ‘Liberation War Honour’.
       Fidel Castro and Harold Wilson have been awarded ‘Liberation War Honour’. Representatives of Mr. Castro and two-time British Prime Minister Mr. Wilson received the honours. Jyoti Basu has been awarded ‘Friends of Liberation War Honour’.
        The highest honour was awarded to former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in July 25 last year. Her daughter-in-law Sonia Gandhi accepted the honour on her behalf.  Indian President Pranab Mukherjee was awarded ‘Liberation War Honour’ on March 5 this year.
                 Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina presented them with the citations and the awards in a ceremony at the capital’s Bangabandhu International Conference Centre on Sunday.
          Ten prominent Pakistani nationals were honoured this time. They included: Begum Naseem Akhtar, Dr. Iqbal Ahmed, Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, all politicians; Zafar Malik, a lawyer; Faiz Ahmed Faiz, a poet; and Begum Tahira Mazhar Ali, Human rights activist among others. Human rights activist Asma Jahangir, daughter of former politician and civil servant Malik Ghulam Jilani and journalist Hamid Mir, son of Waris Mir, another journalist, received the awards on behalf of their fathers.
          Several prominent Indian military and civil personalities, including Lt. Gen. Jagjit Singh Aurora; Lt Gen. Sagat Singh; Vice Admiral Swaraj Prakash; Major General Antony Harold Edward Michigan received ‘friends of liberation war awards’ this time.
          So far, 206 individuals and organisations have been given the honour for their contributions to Bangladesh’s liberation war.
courtesy : The Hindu

ஞாயிறு, 23 டிசம்பர், 2012

On victory margins, Jyoti Basu is ahead by far

By Vidya Subrahmaniam

Third-term Modi is in the company of three who far outshine him in terms of seat and vote shares
       As super hero-sized victories go, there is clearly no one among India’s galaxy of Chief Ministers, including the much-hailed and ostensibly Delhi-bound Narendra Modi, who can beat the record of West Bengal's Jyoti Basu.
         Jyoti Basu who was Chief Minister for close to five terms stretching over 23 long years, consistently registered blockbuster victories for the Left Front which held over three-fourths of the seats in the four terms between 1977 and 1996 — 225; 228; 242 and 241 in a house of 294. Even when the numbers dipped in 1996, the LF had a two-thirds majority, winning 202 or 68.70 per cent of the seats. The LF’s vote share ranged from 47 per cent to 51 per cent.
          Naveen Patnaik and Sheila Dikshit are both three-time Chief Ministers. Mr. Patnaik who was in alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party between 2000 and 2004, completely overshadowed his partner. The Biju Janata Dal won 81 per cent of the seats it contested in 2000. The corresponding figure for the BJP was 60.31 per cent. The BJD won 72.61 per cent of the seats it contested in 2004. The corresponding figure for the BJP was 50.79 per cent. In 2009, Mr. Patnaik dumped the BJP citing sectarian violence in Kandhamal. The move won him a bounty: The BJD won a three-fourths majority with a seat share of 103 in the 129-member Orissa Assembly. Mr. Patnaik, whose party polled 39 per cent of the valid votes, achieved this feat in a three-way contest among the BJP, the BJD and the Congress.
           Ms. Dikshit was sworn in immediately after the 1998 Delhi Assembly election which fetched the Congress 52 of 70 seats or almost a three-fourths majority. In 2003, she won a two-thirds majority with 47 seats, and in 2009, against all expectations, she won 43 or 61 per cent of the seats.
         On Thursday, as results poured in from Gujarat, TV anchors competed to paint Mr. Modi in hagiographic shades, declaring that he was headed for a two-thirds majority. As time passed, the seat projection came down from 130 to 120 and stayed there even though expected tally hovered between 116 and 115 on the Election Commission of India’s website. In the end, the BJP in Gujarat wound up with 115 of 182 seats (63 per cent) — two short of the 117 it had in 2007.
             Significantly, the record for winning the highest share of seats and votes in Gujarat goes to the Congress. In 1980, it won 141 seats for a vote share of 51.04 per cent. Madhav Singh Solanki who became Chief Minister topped this in the next election with a phenomenal 149 seats for a vote share of 55.55 per cent.
Courtesy :THE HINDU/22-12-2012 
(This article has been corrected for an editing error)