An exercise in contraction - Sitaram Yechury, M.P.,

             Article by Com.Sitaram Yechury, Polit Bureau Member CPI(M) and Member, Rajya Sabha                                                            

         The Finance Minister presented the first full budget of the Modi government with an air of “illusions of grandeur”. Preparing for the celebrations of the 75th anniversary of our independence in 2022, he listed “targets” that will be achieved by then. This list is a mere reiteration of what is contained in our Constitution’s Directive Principles of State Policy that should have been attained by 1960! Clearly, he has presumed the Modi government’s return in the 2019 general election. The Modi anti-incumbency wave in Delhi election has, thus, become a victim of the BJP’s “selective amnesia”.

        Shorn of all its rhetoric, what does the budget mean for the people? Instead of expanding public expenditures to stimulate growth, employment and people’s livelihood, the budget sees a contraction. In 2014-15, total government expenditure will be 7 per cent lower than the last budgeted figure, i.e., Rs.1.14 crore less. For 2015-16, the estimated gross tax revenue stands at 10.3 per cent of GDP which is less than last year’s budget figure of 10.8 per cent.

Social sector spending                

 

          Instead of stimulating domestic demand by targeting larger expenditures in social sectors, the budget proposals do the opposite to contain the fiscal deficit at 3.9 per cent. The allocations for MGNREGA and food subsidy have almost stagnated, in real terms, showing scant concern for food security, generating employment and improving people’s livelihood. Total subsidy as percentage of GDP has come down from 2.1 per cent to 1.7 per cent (Rs.2.60 lakh crore to Rs.2.44 lakh crore). The allocation for health and family welfare has come down from Rs.35,163 crore last year to Rs.29,653 crore. The total budgeted figure for housing and urban poverty alleviation has come down from Rs.6,008 crore to Rs. 5,634 crore. Similarly, there is a huge shortfall in allocations for the Tribal Sub-Plan (less by Rs.5,000 crore compared to last year), for the SC Sub-Plan (less by Rs.12,000 crore). The Gender Budget cut by 20 per cent (less by Rs.20,000 crore). The ICDS programme has been halved, from over Rs.16,000 crore to Rs.8,000 crore.

          Instead, India’s rich and both foreign and domestic corporates have hugely benefited. The budget proposals will reduce direct taxes by Rs.8,315 crore benefiting the rich and increase the burden on people through indirect tax hikes of Rs.23,383 crore. In addition to direct tax benefit, for India’s rich, wealth tax has been abolished, corporate tax planned to reduce from 30 to 25 per cent, greater concessions and access to FDI, and FIIs absolved of capital gains tax and minimum alternate tax (MAT).

        Further, the reduction in the tax concessions given by the Central government to the rich (subsidies to the rich called “tax incentives”) results in a revenue loss which is more than the actual fiscal deficit (i.e., Rs.5,89,285.2 crore for 2014-15 as against the budget estimate of fiscal deficit of Rs.5,55,649 crore). Hence, our economy is suffering from a deficit burden primarily due to such subsidies to the rich, not due to subsidies for the poor. Under these circumstances, to bolster governmental revenues, the budget has announced an aggressive disinvestment of the public sector to the tune of Rs.70,000 crore, i.e., selling “family silver” to meet current expenditure.

Mirrors UPA reforms              

 

          The Modi government’s budget this time is, thus, a more aggressive variant of Dr. Manmohan Singh’s reforms. They follow the same logic that our economic development is only possible by attracting larger quantum of investments through big concessions to foreign and domestic Capital. However, this alone cannot automatically lead to higher employment and growth. This can only happen if the purchasing power of our people grows to be able to purchase any increased production. With global commerce shrinking due to continued economic slowdown, our exports will remain low. People’s purchasing power will now further contract this budget.

          Instead of expanding concessions amounting to lakhs of crores of rupees for attracting investments, which, in any case, cannot result in growth and improve people’s welfare, if these amounts were utilised for substantially increasing public investment to build our much needed economic and social infrastructure, both greater growth and equity could have been achieved.

           However, by doing this, the Modi government could not have redeemed its “payback time” promises to those who heavily financed its election campaign. The Finance Minister was confident that the time has come for India to fly. With this budget, the rich may soar but the poor will have to prepare themselves for a disastrous crash landing.

Courtesy : 

HEARTFELT SOLIDARITY TO TEESTA SETALVAD...!

   The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement today :-                        

           The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) condemns the Gujarat Police move to arrest Teesta Setalvad and her husband, Javed Anand in Mumbai. The arrest of Teesta Setalvad has been stayed for 24 hours at the intervention of the Supreme Court.
            The Gujarat Police have targeted Teesta Setalvad because of her relentless championing of the rights of the victims of the Gujarat pogroms of 2002. While the Gujarat government is pursuing the harassment of Teesta Setalvad, it has been reinstating police officials who are facing serious criminal charges.
        The CPI(M) demands that the Gujarat government withdraw the concocted case against Teesta Setalvad and stop harassing her.

           இந்தியாவின் பிரபல மனித உரிமை போராளியும், பத்திரிக்கையாளருமான தீஸ்தா சல்வாத் மற்றும் இவரது கணவர் ஜாவட் ஆனந்து இருவரும் இணைந்து ''Communalism Combat'' என்ற பத்திரிகையை தொடங்கி நடத்திவந்தனர். மதவெறி எதிர்ப்பு மற்றும் மனித உரிமைகள் ஆதரவு கருத்துக்களையே அதில் பிரதானமாக எழுதி வருகின்றனர். 2002 குஜராத் கலவர காலங்களில்  இவர்களின் பங்களிப்பு என்பது மிகவும் முக்கியமானது. குறிப்பாக  உறங்கிக்கொண்டிருந்த இந்திய  மனசாட்சியை அந்த கலவரத்திற்கு எதிராக தட்டி எழுப்பியவர்களில் அந்த இருவரும் முக்கியமானவர்கள். நெடுங்காலமாகவே இவர்களை பழிவாங்க காத்திருந்த  பாரதீய ஜனதாக்கட்சி மத்தியில் ஆட்சிப்பொறுப்பில் வந்தவுடன் நிதி முறைகேடு வழக்கு ஒன்றை தொடுத்து இருவரையும் கைது செய்ய முயற்சி செய்கிறது. தற்போது உச்சநீதிமன்றம் இவர்களது கைதுக்கு தற்காலிக தடை விதித்திருக்கிறது. மத்தியில் மதவெறிக்கூட்டத்தின் ஆட்சி வந்து விட்டதால், அவர்களது  பழைய கணக்கை தீர்க்க முயற்சி செய்து பார்க்கின்றார்கள்.

<<< 50th Anniversary of CPI (M) >>>

 Written By Com.Prakash Karat, General Secretary, CPI(M)        

            The Communist Party of India (Marxist) is observing the 50th anniversary of its formation. The Party that was born at the Seventh Congress held in Kolkata (from October 31 to November 7, 1964) has advanced facing many trials and tribulations. On this occasion, we remember and pay homage to the thousands of comrades who became martyrs for the cause of the Party and the movement.
            The formation of the CPI(M) marked an important and crucial stage in the Communist movement in India. The Party was founded in October 1920 in Tashkent by a group of Indian Communist émigrés and was recognised as such by the Communist International. In subsequent years small Communist groups emerged in different parts of the country in the 1920s. The Communist Party of India began to work as an organised all India Party in 1934 after the Meerut case prisoners were released from jail.
           The formation of the CPI(M) was the result of a prolonged inner Party struggle about the strategy to be pursued after independence for the Indian revolution. This struggle took place for a full decade within the united party and that is the reason why no programme could be adopted.
           When the split took place in 1964, after 32 members of the National Council walked out of the meeting in April, it was widely perceived as a split on the lines of the Soviet-China division. The then Congress government also labeled the CPI(M) as “pro-Peking” rebels. The confusion arose partly from the fact that in the mid-1960s and in the later part of the sixties, a number of groups split away from the existing communist parties in many countries at the call of the Communist Party of China. Most of these parties remained splinters of the parent party and did not acquire any significant political influence or mass base.
              But things were different in India. The division in the CPI coincided with the growing divide between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of China. But this was not the cause for the split in the Indian party. The formation of the CPI(M) was the culmination of a prolonged struggle within the Party which centered on the programmatic strategy to be followed by the Party which pertained to basic questions such as the character of the Indian State, the nature of the ruling classes and so on.
 

I                            

          Thus, the formation of the CPI(M) was marked by the adoption of a programme at the 7th Congress in October-November 1964.
            The Party programme adopted at the 7th Congress set out for the first time the strategic task of the Indian revolution based on a Marxist-Leninist analysis of Indian society and the classes obtaining there. The programme spelt out the character of the Indian State in clear terms as the State run by a bourgeois-landlord alliance led by the big bourgeoisie, thereby dispelling the fog of confusion which had prevailed over this crucial feature so vital for working out a current strategy.
              The stage of the revolution, the character of the State and the class alliance required for the People’s Democratic Revolution were set out in the programme which has stood the test of time and practice. This programme was updated in 2001 but the essential strategic features referred above remains valid. It is this programme which has guided the political, organisational and ideological activities of the Party in the past five decades.
It is based on this Programme that the CPI(M) has grown to be the leading Left party in the country. The Party has more than one million members and these members are working in mass organisations whose combined membership numbers 70 million (7 crore).
 

II                          

         The CPI(M) had formulated its ideological positions soon after the formation of the Party. In the early 1960s there was a serious ideological debate and conflicts in the international communist movement. The questions about the content of the new epoch, the major social contradictions, the peaceful coexistence between the two social systems and the peaceful transition to socialism had all led to sharp differences and polemics with the CPSU and the CPC in opposing camps. Practically the entire CPI(M) leadership had been put in jail soon after the 7th Congress and therefore the Party’s stand on various ideological issues could not be formulated till 1968. This contributed to the wrong perception in some quarters that the CPI(M) was following the positions taken by the Chinese party. The delay in clarifying the ideological positions of the Party caused some damage when the Left sectarian trends emanated within the communist movement in the country.
         The CPI(M) after a thorough inner Party discussion adopted its ideological stand at the Burdwan Plenum held in 1968. This plenum marked a historical break with both right revisionism and Left sectarianism within the Indian Communist movement and also in the international communist movement. The CPI(M) displayed a robust independence in being critical of many of the theoretical positions of the CPSU and the CPC.
          This in fact brings out the distinctive character of the CPI(M). When the united CPI was a fledgling party it was dependent for its theory and practice on the CPSU (at times in the pre-independence period this was mediated by the Communist Party of Great Britain as instructed by the Communist International). This legacy persisted even after independence. Later, the Left sectarian trend found sustenance from the CPC in the last sixties. The CPI(M) broke with this “dependence”. The formulation of the programme, the tactical perspective which flowed from it and the ideological positions which were adopted marked a dialectical break from the past practice. The basis for this radical departure was the determined effort to apply Marxism-Leninism to the concrete Indian conditions. This meant not relying on borrowed wisdom and a mechanical copying of the models followed in other countries especially the ones which had made revolutions.
            The collapse of the Soviet Union had a delete

rious effect on the communist parties and the socialist cause all over the world. Its impact was felt in India too upon the communist movement. However, the CPI(M) as a party was the least affected in political-ideological terms or as an organisation in contrast to some other communist parties around the world. This was because the Party had an independent understanding of Marxism. It had adopted a critical approach to the ideology and practice of the CPSU without ever taking an anti-Soviet position. Since the Party had no blind faith in the Soviet Union and the CPSU, it was better equipped to face the debacle of the Soviet Union. The CPI(M) suffered lesser damage as a result. Being deeply rooted among the Indian working people and the Marxist-Leninist ideology, the Party could draw sustenance from its own theory and practice to reappraise the experience of building socialism in the 20th century and to renew its confidence to work for a renovated socialism in the 21st century. In fact the decade consequent to 1991 saw a steady increase in the Party membership.

III                        

            The CPI(M) programme states that the agrarian revolution is the crux of the democratic revolution. Hence the agrarian question and the land issue have been central to the practice of the Party.
          The CPI(M) is a Party which has done the most to advance the struggle for land since its inception. It is these struggles against landlordism, for take over of benami land, for distribution of ceiling surplus land, pattas for house sites for agricultural workers and so on which resulted in the Left-led governments of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura being the only states which have implemented land reforms in a meaningful manner. Reforms which have led to the distribution of surplus land, ending of rack rented tenancy or ensuring security of tenure for sharecroppers.
         The 1960s and 1970s in particular witnessed a wave of struggles on these issues. Both the United Front governments in West Bengal and Kerala in 1967 to 1970 period in which the CPI(M) was the leading force, made determined advance on the land issue which was backed by powerful struggles.
         As a Party of the working class, the CPI(M) has consistently sought to strengthen the working class movement and organise the workers as a political force capable of leading the democratic movement. The Party has been actively taking up the fight against privatization, against contractualisation of labour and in defence of trade union rights.
The CPI(M) views class exploitation and social oppression as twin pillars of the present bourgeois-landlord order. The Party has, therefore, been ceaselessly fighting all forms of social oppression – of women, dalits, adivasis and minorities.

IV                  

            The CPI(M) has the basic understanding that democracy and democratic rights and even the limited rights provided by the Constitution are not secure as the ruling classes of the country tend to encroach and attack democracy whenever its interests dictate so. The CPI(M) was the first Party to warn against the impending danger of one party authoritarianism in its ninth Congress in 1972. It said this on the basis of the experience of the semi-fascist terror instituted in West Bengal from 1971 onwards, which was backed by the Indira Gandhi government and the State machinery. The CPI(M) was active in the fight to protect democracy and democratic rights in the period leading up to the declaration of internal emergency in June 1975. The Party struggled against the emergency regime. Hundreds of its leaders and cadres were put in prison during this time but the Party joined with other democratic forces to oppose the onslaught on democracy. That is why with the lifting of the Emergency, the Party emerged with heightened prestige. It was in the background of the fight against semi-fascist terror and the Emergency at the all India level that the CPI(M) and the Left Front won the West Bengal assembly elections in 1977 for the first time with a two-third majority.

        The attacks on democracy and democratic rights have often been concentrated against the CPI(M) and the Left. After the semi-fascist terror in West Bengal, there was a period of terror in Tripura between 1988 and 1993. West Bengal has again been facing widespread terror and trampling of democratic rights since 2011. Hundreds of comrades have laid down their lives defending democratic rights and the Red Flag.

V                        

          The Communist movement in India has the rich experience in working in the parliamentary democratic system. The CPI(M) has made, on its part, the most significant contribution in this sphere. After its formation the Party formulated a creative approach on how to work in parliamentary forums and on participation in state governments. The tactical direction for this was given in the programme itself. It also drew on the experience of the first communist ministry in Kerala in 1957. The CPI(M) would join state governments only where the Left and democratic forces were a strong force in the legislature. It looked at participation in state governments as an aid to develop the mass struggles and the democratic movement while providing all relief possible to the people within the bourgeois-landlord system. The CPI(M) sought to put this into practice when the United Front governments were formed in 1967-70 in West Bengal and Kerala.
         The formation and running of CPI(M)-led Left government in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura from 1977 onwards were an important part of the task of developing the Left and democratic movement in the struggle to project alternative policies (within the limitation of the state government) against the bourgeois-landlord policies.
           The achievements in the sphere of land reform, decentralisation of powers, strengthening the rights of the working people for collective action and the defence of secularism by these governments have contributed to the advancement of the Left and democratic agenda.
 

VI                

            The concomitant political platform championed by the CPI(M) has been federalism. As per the Party’s understanding of the national question, India is a multinational country. The unity of the Indian Union can be strengthened only by a federal structure which allows the various linguistic nationalities to be able to have their due share in the economic and social development. There has to be a federal political structure.
            The CPI(M) has been a consistent force for federalism and for the unity of the people by combating the forces of regional, linguistic and ethnic chauvinism. When the divisive forces were active in the 1980s in various parts of the country, the CPI(M) stood firm on the question of national unity and hundreds of comrades laid down their lives in Punjab, Assam, Tripura and Jammu & Kashmir fighting these forces. The Party has played a key role on the issue of restructuring of Centre-state relations and this has been articulated by the Left-led state governments. The Party played an important role in the formulation of a common stand on Centre-State relations as seen in the deliberations of the Srinagar conclave of 15 parties in 1983.

VII                       

          The CPI(M) has been the most consistent and resolute force against communalism. Historically, religious communalism as a weapon was used to divide the people during the days of the fight against British rule. The Communists have a glorious record of standing firm in the face of communal frenzy in the days of partition. Communists, however small in number, stood against the violence and rescued those targeted by the mobs. Later in independent India whenever communal riots broke out communists have sought to protect those facing violence. It is in that tradition that in Kerala a CPI(M) leader, U.K. Kunhiraman, died while protecting a mosque which came under attack in Thalassery during the communal violence of 1968. The CPI(M) adheres firmly to the principle of secularism which means separation of religion and the State and politics. Unlike the bourgeois parties which seek to appease the various forces of majority and minority communalism, the CPI(M) is completely opposed to any intervention in politics by the communal forces.
When the threat of majority communalism arose in the late 1980s, it was the CPI(M) which pointed out that the BJP-RSS combine represented this threat. The party has worked relentlessly to combat the Hindutva forces and to isolate them politically. The Party views the ascendance of the BJP and its coming to power as integral to the interests of the big bourgeoisie and the corporates who view the BJP as a party committed to advance the neo-liberal agenda. That is why the CPI(M) views the struggle against the neo-liberal policies and the fight against majority communalism as interconnected. In the entire political spectrum only the CPI(M) and the Left parties are the force who have never compromised with the BJP and the communal forces either for electoral or political gains.

VIII                    

            The CPI(M) in the last five decades has been a significant force in political terms in projecting an alternative path of development for India – one which is socially and economically just and politically democratic. On all the major issues which have arisen in the Indian polity – secularism, democracy, federalism, equity and justice – the CPI(M) has made its own distinctive contribution.
          The CPI(M) and the Left have suffered serious electoral reverses in the recent election. The rightwing offensive has resulted in a BJP government which represents the twin forces of corporate power and Hindutva. The fight for secular democracy, the rights of the working people and alternative policies requires a strong CPI(M) and Left. The Party is taking up this challenge in right earnest. In the run up to the 21st Congress of the Party to be held in April 2015, the Central Committee is formulating a fresh political-tactical line which can effectively deal with the new political situation. It is undertaking concrete studies of the changes that have occurred in Indian society and classes in the more than two decades of neo-liberal capitalism. The Party Congress will provide a new direction for the organisation and its work among the people.
          India is witnessing a more predatory capitalist process unfold through the neo-liberal model adopted by our ruling classes. Economic and political inequalities have arisen sharply. Along with some of the world’s riches persons, India has the largest number of poor people. The fight for an alternative path leading to socialism is an ongoing and arduous struggle.

       As the CPI(M) marks its 50th year of existence we rededicate ourselves to pursue the goal with confidence and determination.
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இடதுசாரிக் கட்சிகளை ஆதரித்து வாக்களியுங்கள்..! - தோழர்.பிரகாஷ் காரத் எழுச்சியுரை.

வடசென்னை மக்களவை தொகுதி CPI(M)  வேட்பாளர் 
தோழர்.உ.வாசுகி அவர்களை ஆதரித்து நடைபெற்ற 
பிரச்சாரப் பொதுக்கூட்டத்தில்
மார்க்சிஸ்ட் கம்யூனிஸ்ட் கட்சியின் பொதுச்செயலாளர்
தோழர்.பிரகாஷ் காரத் அவர்களின் எழுச்சியுரை...!

CPI(M) - Com.A.S - Election Meetting, Puducherry

Prosecute Narendra Modi - CPI(M)

The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:

 

               The letter written by the jailed police officer Vanzara about the actions taken by him and the other accused in the Gujarat encounter killings confirms in the most direct way what was known to most citizens of this country, that the killings were executed with the full knowledge and direction of those leading the Gujarat Government. In a chilling exposure the letter describes encounter killings as an intrinsic policy of the Gujarat Government against terrorism. Narendra Modi’s numerous statements at the time justifying the killings, fit in perfectly with Vanzara’s defence.

             The efforts of the BJP leadership including its MP and spokesperson Prakash Javedekar in trying to sabotage the processes of justice in case have been revealed in a CD which has been aired on several channels and widely reported in the press. His references to Narendra Modi make it doubly clear that the Chief Minister was in full knowledge and therefore in connivance with the efforts to manipulate the case in their favour.

             The CPI(M) demands that Narendra Modi should be prosecuted in the concerned cases and should forthwith step down from office. It calls for a Supreme Court supervised inquiry to uncover the full facts in the CD case so as to file criminal charges against those involved. In the meanwhile the bail of Amit Shah should be cancelled.

                     This episode once again highlights the utter contempt that the BJP and its leadership, including Narender Modi have for the Constitution of India and the law of the land.

நாடாளுமன்றம் தாக்குதலுக்கு உள்ளாகி இருக்கிறது...!

கட்டுரையாளர் : P. ராஜீவ்          
                              நாடாளுமன்ற மாநிலங்களவை உறுப்பினர்       

     ஆட்சியாளர்கள் நாடாளுமன்றம் மற்றும் சட்டமன்றங்களை செயல்படாது தடுத்திட மேற்கொள்ளும் முயற்சிகளும், தேர்தல் முடிவுகளைத் தீர்மானிப்பதில் பணபலத்தின் செல்வாக்கு வளர்ந்து கொண்டிருப்பதும், மக்களின் நியாயமான அபிலாசைகளைக் கருக வைத்திருக்கிறது. நாடாளுமன்றம் என்பது இந்திய அரசியலமைப்புச் சட்டத்தின் பாதுகாவலனாகும். அரசியலமைப்புச் சட்டத்தின் முகவுரை, நாட்டு மக்களே ஒப்புயர்வற்றவர்கள் என்று மிகவும் கம்பீரமாகப் பறைசாற்றுகிறது. அவர்கள் தங்கள் ஒப்புயர்வற்ற நிலையினைத் தங்களுக்காகத் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்படும் பிரதிநிதிகளான நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் மூலம் வெளிப்படுத்துகிறார்கள். இப்போதெல்லாம், நாடாளுமன்றம் செயல்படா நிலையே தலைப்புச் செய்திகளாக உள்ளது. அது உண்மையும் கூட. இதுவரையிலான இந்திய நாடாளுமன்ற மக்களவைகளிலேயே தற்போதைய 15-ஆவது மக்களவைதான், மிகவும் குறைந்த நாட்களே இயங்கிய ஒன்று என்கிற ‘வரலாறு’(?) படைத்துள்ளது.
      மக்களவை செயலகம் தயார்செய்துள்ள புள்ளி விவரங்களின்படி, 15-ஆவது மக்களவையின் 12-ஆவது அமர்வுவரை 1,157 மணி நேரம்தான் அமர்ந்திருக்கிறது. 14-ஆவது மக்களவையின் 1,736 மணி 55 நிமிடங்களுடன் ஒப்பிடுகையில் இது மிகவும் பின்தங்கிய ஒன்று என்பதைப் புரிந்து கொள்ள முடியும். உண்மையில் முதலாவது மக்களவை 677 நாட்கள் அமர்ந்து, தன்னுடைய 14 அமர்வுகளில் 3,784 மணி நேரம் இயங்கி இருக்கிறது. நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் மேலவை என்று கூறப்படும் மாநிலங்களவையிலும் நிலைமைகளில் எந்த வித்தியாசமும் இல்லை. வரலாற்றில் முதன்முறையாக, மாநிலங்களவை பட்ஜெட்டை எவ்வித விவாதமுமின்றி திருப்பி அனுப்பி இருக்கிறது. பல சட்ட முன்வடிவுகள் கிடப்பில்நாட்டில் ஜனநாயகத்தின் செயல்பாடு அரிக்கப்பட்டுக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது என்பதை இது மட்டும் காட்டவில்லை. ஆட்சியாளர்கள் பல கொள்கை முடிவுகளை நாட்டின் ஒப்புயர்வற்ற அமைப்பான நாடாளுமன்றத்தைக் கலந்தாலோசிக்காமலேயே எடுத்துக்கொண்டிருக்கின்றனர்.

இதற்கு மிகச் சரியான எடுத்துக்காட்டு, ‘ஆதார்’ (Aadhar)அட்டை வழங்குத லாகும். ‘ஆதார்’ அட்டை என்பது அனைத்து அரசு நலத்திட்ட உதவிகளையும் பெறுவதற்கு அத்தியாவசியமான ஒன்று என்று கருதப்படுகிறது. ‘ஆதார்’ எண் இல்லாமல் ஒரு மாணவன் மத்திய, மாநில அரசு களிடமிருந்து எவ்வித உதவியும் பெற முடியாது. நேரடிப் பயன் மாற்றல் (Direct Benefit Transfer) என்னும் திட்டமானது ‘ஆதார்’ எண்ணையே அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது.
வங்கிக் கணக்குகள் இதனுடன் இணைக்கப்பட்டிருக்கின்றன. ஆனால், ஆதார் திட்டத்திற்கு சட்டரீதி யாக என்ன பின்னணி இருக்கிறது? ஆதார் அமலாக்கத்திற்கான சட்டமாக தன்னிகரற்ற அடையாள அட்டை சட்ட முன்வடிவு (UID bill - Unique Identification Bill) கருதப்படுகிறது. ஆனால், இச்சட்ட முன்வடிவின் பல ஷரத்துக்களுக்கு நாடாளுமன்ற நிலைக்குழு தன்னுடைய அறிக்கையில் கடும் ஆட்சேபணைகளைத் தெரிவித்திருந்தது. அரசாங்கம் நிலைக்குழுவின் ஆட்சேபணைகள் குறித்து, கிஞ்சிற்றும் கவலைப்பட்டதாகத் தெரியவில்லை. அதனை முழுமையாக அப்படியே கிடப்பில் போட்டு வைத்துவிட்டது. இச்சட்டமுன்வடிவினை எந்த வடிவத்திலும் இதுவரை நாடாளுமன்றத்தில் தாக்கல் செய்து நிறைவேற்றிட அரசாங்கம் முன் வரவே இல்லை. ஆனால், ‘ஆதார்’ ஏற்கனவே மக்களின் வாழ்க்கையில் எதார்த்தமான ஒன்றாக, ஒவ்வொரு இந்தியப் பிரஜைக்கும் தன் வாழ்வின் தவிர்க்க முடியாத அங்கமாக மாறிவிட்டது. அரசாங்கத்தின் இத்தகைய திருட்டுத்தனமான அணுகுமுறையை அது, மத்திய, மாநில அரசு ஊழியர்களுக்காகக் கொண்டுவந்துள்ள பங்களிப்பு ஓய்வூதியத்திட்டத்தை (Contributory Pension Scheme) அறிமுகப்படுத்தியதிலும் பார்க்க முடியும். நம் நாட்டிலுள்ள அனைத்து மாநில அரசுகளும் தன்னுடைய ஊழியர்களிடமிருந்து ஓய்வூதிய நிதியாக கோடிக்கணக்கான ரூபாய்களை வசூலித்துக்கொண்டிருக்கின்றன.
       ஆனால், அது தொடர்பான சட்டமுன்வடிவு இன்னமும் நாடாளுமன்றத்தில் நிலுவையிலேயே இருந்து கொண்டிருப்பதை நாம் காண்கிறோம். இத்தனை ஆண்டு காலமாக இவ்வாறு கோடிக்கணக்கான ரூபாய்களை அரசு ஊழியர்களிடமிருந்து வசூலித்துக் கொண்டிருப்பதற்கான சட்டப்பூர்வமான நிலை என்ன? நாட்டு மக்களைக் கடுமையாகப் பாதிக்கும் பல்வேறு கொள்கை முடிவுகளை அரசாங்கமானது நாடாளுமன்றத்தைப் புறந்தள்ளிவிட்டு எடுத்துக்கொண்டிருக்கிறது என்பதைக் காட்டுவதற்கு இவை ஒருசில எடுத்துக்காட்டுகளேயாகும். நாட்டின் அரசியலமைப்புச் சட்டமானது, ஜனநாயக அமைப்பின் பல்வேறு அங்கங்களுக்கும் இருக்கின்ற அதிகாரங்கள் குறித்து மிகவும் தெளிவாக வரையறை செய்து தந்திருக்கிறது. நாடாளுமன்றம் ஒரு சட்டத்தை நிறைவேற்றும்போது அது நாட்டின் சட்டமாக மாறுகிறது. நாட்டிலுள்ள அனைத்துப் பிரஜைகளும் அதற்குக் கட்டுப்பட்டு நடக்கவேண்டியவர்களாகிறார்கள். ஆனால், இத்தகைய அரசியலமைப்புச் சட்டத்தின் கட்டளையையே ஆட்சியாளர்கள் மீறும் போக்கு அதிகரித்துக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது. ஒருமனதாக நிறைவேற்றப்பட்ட தீர்மானமே ஓரங்கட்டப்பட்டுவிட்டது 2012-13-ஆம் ஆண்டுக்கான மத்திய பட்ஜெட்டைத் தாக்கல் செய்கையில், அப்போது நிதியமைச்சராக இருந்த பிரணாப் முகர்ஜி, கடந்தகால வரி நிலுவைகளை வசூலிப்பதற்காக, கடந்தகால வரிவிதிப்பு முறையை (retrospective taxation) அறிமுகப்படுத்தினார்.
       இச்சட்ட முன்வடிவினை நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் இரு அவைகளும் ஒருமனதாக நிறைவேற்றின. ஆனால், ப.சிதம்பரம் நிதியமைச்சரான பிறகு, காட்சிகள் மிக வேகமாக மாறின. இந்தப் புதிய வரிவிதிப்பு சீர்திருத்தத்தை ஆராய்வதற்காக ஒருநபர் குழுவை அமைத்தார். வரிகள் தொடர்பான வல்லுநர், பார்த்தசாரதி சோம், அறிக்கையைப் பெற்ற ஒரு வார காலத்திற்குள்ளாகவே நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் இரு அவைகளாலும் ஒருமனதாக நிறைவேற்றப்பட்ட கடந்தகால வரி விதிப்புமுறை சட்டத்தை மூன்றாண்டு காலத்திற்கு அரசாங்கம் கிடப்பில்போடத் தீர்மானித்தது. நாட்டின் மிக ஒப்புயர்வற்ற அமைப்பான நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் இரு அவைகளும் ஒருமனதாக நிறைவேற்றிய ஒரு சட்டத்தை ஒரு வல்லுநர் ரத்து செய்ய முடியுமா? நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் குழுக்கள், ஒரு சிறிய அளவிலான நாடாளுமன்றம் என்றே கருதப்படுகின்றன. இக்குழுக்களில் அநேகமாக அனைத்து அரசியல் கட்சிகளின் உறுப்பினர்களும் அங்கம் வகிப்பது வழக்கம். நன்கு வளர்ந்த ஜனநாயக நாடுகளில், நாடாளுமன்றக் குழுக்களின் முடிவுகளை நாடாளுமன்றம்தான் ரத்து செய்திட முடியும். ஆனால், இந்தியாவில் தான், நாடாளுமன்றக் குழு அளித்திட்ட பரிந்துரைகளை அரசாங்கம் ஏற்றுக்கொள்வதற்கோ அல்லது நிராகரிப்பதற்கோ உரிமை பெற்றிருக்கிறது.
          ஒரு சட்டமுன் வடிவில் புதிதாக ஏதேனும் ஒரு பிரிவை அரசாங்கம் இணைக்கும்பட்சத்தில், மீண்டும் அச்சட்டமுன்வடிவு, பரிசீலனைக்காக நாடாளுமன்றக்குழுவுக்கு அனுப்பி வைக்கப்பட வேண்டும். ஆனால், இதுநாள்வரை இவ்வாறு பின்பற்றப்பட்டு வந்த அரசியலமைப்புச் சட்ட நடைமுறைக்கு முரணாக, இந்தியக் குடியரசின் வரலாற்றில் முதன்முறையாக, நாடாளுமன்ற நிலைக்குழுவின் பரிந்துரைகளை ஆய்வு செய்வதற்காக அரசாங்கம் ஒரு வல்லுநர் குழுவை அமைக்கிறது. நாம் மிகவும் ஆச்சர்யப்படத்தக்க விதத்தில், நிதித்துறை சம்பந்தப்பட்ட நாடாளுமன்ற நிலைக்குழு நேரடி வரிவிதிப்புச் சட்டம் (Direct Tax Code) குறித்து தன் அறிக்கையை சமர்ப்பித்தபோது, நிதி அமைச்சகமும் உடனடியாக அந்த அறிக்கை மீது ஒரு குழுவை அமைத்ததைப் பார்த்தோம். இதுதொடர்பாக மோதல் வெடித்த போது, அமைச்சகத்தின் சார்பில் சில சமாதானங்கள் சொல்லப்பட்ட போதும், இவ்வாறு குழு அமைக்கப்பட்டதை நியாயமான அல்லது நேர்மையான ஒன்று எனக் கருத முடியுமா? இது நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் அதிகாரத்தைப் பறிக்கும், மக்களின் குரலை நெறிக்கும் செயலாகாதா? இவை அனைத்தும் நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் சட்டமியற்றும் அதிகாரங்களைக் கீழறுத்திடுவதற்கான ஒரு திட்டத்தின் அடையாளங்களேயன்றி வேறல்ல. அரசின் இத்தகைய இழிவான நடவடிக்கைகள் இதர பல கொள்கைப் பிரச்சனைகளிலும் வெளிப்பட்டிருக்கின்றன. 1990-களுக்கு முன்பெல்லாம், நாட்டிலுள்ள சாமானியன், தொலைக்காட்சி முன் அல்லது வானொலி முன் அமர்ந்து, பட்ஜெட் முன்மொழிவுகள் குறித்து தெரிந்துகொள்வதற்காக ஆவலோடு காத்திருப்பார்கள். வரி விதிப்பு முறைகளில் ஏதேனும் மாற்றம் வருமா? பல்வேறு அத்தியாவசியப் பொருள்களின் விலைகளில் மாற்றம் இருக்குமா? ரயில் கட்டணம் உயருமா? இதுபோன்று எண்ணற்றவை குறித்து எதிர்பார்ப்புடன் அமர்ந்திருப்பார்கள்.
       ஆனால், இப்போதெல்லாம், எவரொருவரும் பட்ஜெட் குறித்து அலட்டிக்கொள்வதில்லை. சமீபகாலங்களில், நாடாளுமன்றம் மட்டுமல்ல, அரசாங்கம் கூட, பெட்ரோலியப் பொருட்களின் விலைகளை நிர்ணயம் செய்திடுவதில் அதிகாரம் பெற்றிருக்கவில்லை. அரசாங்கம் அதற்கான அதிகாரத்தை எண்ணெய் நிறுவனங்களிடம் ஒப்படைத்துவிட்டது. சென்ற ரயில்வே பட்ஜெட்டின்படி இனி ரயில் கட்டணங்கள் ஓர் ஒழுங்குமுறை அதிகாரக்குழுமத்தின் (regulatory authority) மூலமாக தீர்மானிக்கப்பட இருக்கின்றன. அரசாங்கம் தற்போது பொருள்கள் மற்றும் சேவைகள் வரி (Goods and Services Tax) அமல்படுத்துவதற்காக ஓர் அரசியலமைப்புத் திருத்தச் சட்டமுன்வடிவை நிறைவேற்றத் தயாராகிக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது. வரைவு சட்டமுன்வடிவின்படி, வரி விகிதங்களைத் தீர்மானித்திட, நாடாளுமன்றத்திற்கு எவ்வித அதிகாரமும் கிடையாது. மத்திய அரசு மற்றும் மாநில அரசுகளுக்கான வரி விதிகத்தைத் தீர்மானிப்பதற்கான அதிகாரங்களை பொருள் மற்றும் சேவை வரிக் கவுன்சில் (GST Council) மட்டுமே பெற்றிருக்கும். இவ்வாறு வரிவிதிக்கும் நடைமுறைகளில் இனி நாடாளுமன்றத்திற்கோ, சட்டமன்றங்களுக்கோ எவ்வித வேலையும் கிடையாது. இதன் மூலமாக பட்ஜெட் என்பது வெறுமனே காலத்தைச் செலவழிக்கும் ஒன்றாகவே மாறுகிறது. இவ்வாறு மக்கள் பிரதிநிதிகளுக்கு, அரசியலமைப்புச் சட்டம் வழங்கிய பொறுப்புகள் அவர்களிடமிருந்து, பறிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. சமூகத்தின் பல்வேறு பிரிவுகளிலிருந்தும் அரசின் இத்தகைய முயற்சிகளுக்கு கடும் எதிர்ப்புகள் வந்தபின்னர், அரசாங்கம் இச்சட்டமுன் வடிவில் ஒரு சிறிய மாற்றத்தைச் செய்திருக்கிறது. அதாவது பொருள் மற்றும் சேவை வரிக் கவுன்சில் அதிகாரங்கள் சிபாரிசு செய்யக்கூடியவை மட்டுமே என்று அரசு கூறியிருக்கிறது. ஆனால், உண்மையில், இதன் சிபாரிசுகள் எதிர்காலத்தில் நிதியமைச்சர்களின் கைகளைக் கட்டிப்போடும் என்பதிலோ, அதன்மூலம் நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் அதிகாரங்களை நீர்த்துப்போகச் செய்திடும் என்பதிலோ ஐயமில்லை. நாடாளுமன்ற அமைப்புமுறைக்கு ஏற்பட்டுள்ள மற்றுமொரு மிகப்பெரிய அச்சுறுத்தல், இந்திய சமூகத்தின் அடிப்படை அமைப்பாக விளங்கும் இதன் பிரதிநிதிகளின் வர்க்கப் பின்னணி மிக மோசமாக வீழ்ச்சியடைந்திருப்பதாகும். நாடாளு மன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் தொடர்பாக மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்ட புள்ளிவிவரங்களின்படி, 15-ஆவது மக்களவையில் 306 நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் கோடீஸ்வரர்களாவார்கள். இது, 14-ஆவது மக்களவையை விட நூறு விழுக்காட்டுக்கும் அதிகமானதாகும். ஒவ்வொரு நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினரின் சராசரி சொத்து மதிப்பு 5.8 கோடி ரூபாய்களாகும். நாட்டின் மக்கள்தொகையில் 77 விழுக்காட்டிற்கும் மேற்பட்டவர்கள் நாளொன்றுக்கு 20 ரூபாய்க்கும் கீழே தான் செலவழிக்கிறார்கள் என்று கூறப்படுகிற ஒரு சமூகத்திற்கு இவர்கள்தான் பிரதிநிதிகள் என்று கூறப்படுவது கேலிக்கூத்தாக இல்லையா? மற்றொரு புள்ளி விவரம் என்ன கூறுகிறதெனில், சென்ற மக்களவைத் தேர்தல் வேட்பாளர்களில் 5 கோடி ரூபாய்க்கும் மேல் சொத்து உள்ளவர்கள் 32 விழுக்காட்டினர் என்பதாகும். 50 லட்சம் ரூபாய்க்கும், 5 கோடி ரூபாய்க் கும் இடையே சொத்து உள்ள வேட்பாளர் களின் வெற்றி வாய்ப்பு 18.5 விழுக்காடு, பத்து லட்சத்திற்கும் கீழே சொத்துள்ளவர்களின் வெற்றி வாய்ப்பு வெறும் 2.6 விழுக் காடு மட்டுமே.
            இதன் மூலம், தாராளமயப் பொருளாதாரத்தின் தேர்தல் அமைப்பு முறையில் மிகப்பெரிய காரணிகளில் ஒன்றாக பணபலம் இருக்கிறது என்பது தெளிவு. ஒரு குறிப்பிட்ட காலம் வரை, இந்திய ஜனநாயக அமைப்புமுறை ஒரு முற்போக்கு குணாம்சத்தோடு இருந்தது. ஆனால், ஆளும் வர்க்கத்தினரால் அது தாக்குத லுக்கு உள்ளாக்கப்பட்டது. நாடாளுமன்றத்தின் பிரதிநிதித்துவ குணாம்சத்தைப் பாதுகாத்திட வேண்டும். நாடாளுமன்றம் மூலமாகத்தான் மக்களின் அபிலாசைகளையும் தேவைகளையும் பூர்த்தி செய்திட முடியும். இதன்மூலம்தான் நாட்டின் சட்டங்களையும், மக்களுக்கான நீதியையும் வழங்கிட முடியும். நாடாளுமன்றத்திற்கான அதிகாரங்களையும், பொறுப்புகளையும் மறுப்பதோ அல்லது அவற்றைப் பறிப்பதோ மக்களின் நியாயமான அபிலாசைகள் அரிக்கப்படுவதற்கே இட்டுச்செல்லும்.

நன்றி : தி இந்து நாளிதழ் ஆகஸ்ட்7
தமிழில் : ச.வீரமணி

Comrade Samar Mukherjee exemplified what a Communist should be....!

SAMAR MUKHERJEE 1912-2013

               He was born before the October Revolution in Russia, saw the rise and fall of the world’s first socialist State and others that followed, was witness to subsequent changes in the global political order. But Samar Mukherjee’s faith in Marxism was unwavering, his dedication to the cause remaining steadfast even in the face of all the odds.

          Described once by another Marxist great, Jyoti Basu, as “God’s Own Man” Samar Mukherjee, a veteran of the Communist movement in the country, was the epitome of sincerity to the cause.

           On the occasion of his centenary birthday on November 7 last year Communist Party of India (Marxist) general secretary Prakash Karat recalled that much of Samar Mukherjee’s salary and allowances when he was MP would be taken over by the party, yet be would deposit every year a cheque for the party fund. He exemplified what the life of a Communist should be. He lived a spartan life, long years of it in a commune, in Howrah and then in Kolkata; he was dedicated to the party, contributing all his energies to whatever task it assigned him. One who never “overate” or “overslept”, some in the party remember.

          Such was his commitment to the cause that the CPI (M) leadership had decided to do what it had done only once before in its history: officially celebrating the birthday of a leader. The first was that of another pioneer in the Communist movement, Muzzaffar Ahmad who died in 1973. When it was Samar Mukherjee’s turn to be felicitated he had turned 100.

          Considered the “living history of the Communism in India” Samar Mukherjee will be remembered for his dedication to the cause of workers and peasants, that of the deprived people as a whole. From freedom fighter to a stalwart of the Left movement in the country, the journey was a long one indeed.

              Samar Mukherjee who joined India’s struggle for Independence as a student — once thrown out of school for protesting against the Simon Commission — became a member of the Communist Party of India in 1940. When the party split in 1964 he joined the CPI (M) and was actively involved in its State and national organisational matters. He was a member of the party’s Polit Bureau for 14 years till 1992 and was also the first chairman of its disciplinary body, the Central Control Commission.

          He was a key personality in the trade union movement in the country and one of the architects of the historical railway strike in 1974. He was at the vanguard of the struggle for the protection of civil liberties and democratic rights during the Emergency.

          Soft-spoken, he was seldom heard to have raised his voice, not even when making a strong assertion or putting forth a forceful argument in the Lok Sabha, recalls CPI (M) central committee member Mohd Salim who describes Samar Mukherjee as one of another generation.

            A kind-hearted person, he encouraged newcomers to Parliament who looked up to him as leader of the party there; one who took up national issues with the same fervour as he did those more specific to his constituency, Howrah or State, West Bengal.

           Samar Mukherjee belonged to that generation of Communist leaders who renounced comforts and had a singularity of purpose. As much as is his life was an inspiration to his younger comrades it is a lesson for them in discipline and commitment as the movement to which he belonged negotiates the twists and turns of changing times.
courtesy :

Homage to CPI(M) Veteran Comrade Samar Mukherjee....!

The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:

         The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) expresses its deep sorrow at the death of Comrade Samar Mukherjee, a most exceptional, outstanding and dedicated leader of the communist movement in India. A valiant freedom fighter, able parliamentarian and leader of the trade union movement, Samarda passed away at the age of 100 in Kolkata today. He was the oldest living member of the CPI(M), having joined the Party in 1940. He dedicated his entire life as a communist to the cause of the working class and to the exploited people of India. He was a member of the Central Committee of the Party from 1966 and was elected to the Polit Bureau in 1978 and continued in that capacity till he was elected as the Chairman of the Party’s Central Control Commission at the 14^th Congress of the Party in 1992. At the time of his death he was a Special Invitee to the Central Committee.

           Samar Mukherjee began his political activities as a young student and joined the freedom struggle. He was deeply inspired by Marxist ideology and the work of the Party. Immediately after he got his membership in 1940, he became a fulltime worker of the Party. He was one of the founders of the communist movement in Howrah district. In 1942 he became the organizing secretary of Howrah district of the undivided Communist Party. He became a member of the West Bengal State Council of the party in 1953. It was under his leadership that the movement for the rights of refugees from the erstwhile East Bengal was built up in Bengal which played a significant role in expanding the influence of the communist party.

      Com. Samar Mukherjee played an outstanding role as a leading communist parliamentarian. In 1957 he was elected as an MLA from the North Howrah constituency. He was elected to the Lok Sabha from Howrah constituency for three consecutive terms from 1971 onwards. He also elected to the Rajya Sabha for two terms. As the leader of the CPI(M) group in Parliament he most effectively put across the Party”s line on all major issues, raising the voice of the working people and their struggles. He won the admiration of leaders cutting across party lines because of his unambiguous commitment to the cause of the exploited masses.

            Com. Samar Mukherjee led the CITU as its General Secretary from 1983 to 1991, having earlier served as its working committee member from the inception of the CITU. He had played a leading role in the historic railway workers strike in 1974. Following the emergency he fought against the attacks on workers.

           He made a multidimensional contribution as Party organizer, as writer, as trade unionist and as a Parliamentarian.

                 Rarely have we seen such an individual who sacrificed all personal interests, living a spartan life in a Party commune in the service of the Party. He was affable, easily accessible and loved by the people.

The Polit Bureau pays its respectful homage to his memory.

Lal Salam Comrade Jyoti Basu...!

Com. Sitaram Yechury,

Polit Bureau Member, CPI(M)

JULY 8, 2013 marks 

the beginning of 

the birth centenary of 

Comrade Jyoti Basu.... 

          Even though all of us are aware of the inviolable law of Nature that once life is born, it has to cease to exist one day, this remains, universally, the most difficult inevitability to come to terms with.  Comrade Jyoti Basu’s absence,  particularly in today’s circumstances, is felt in every turn and twist. Yet, in his absence, it is incumbent on our part to carry forward his legacy to advance the objective for which he contributed all his life – the establishment of socialism in India and eventually in the world. 

THE LEGACY

Jyoti Basu’s seven decade long political life is synchronous with the evolution of modern India.  For this very reason, he was always a source of inspiration and a `role model’ for the younger generation.  His legacy will continue to be such a source.  He, truly, was one of the legends of modern India, not only of the Communist movement. 

        Having gone to England to return as a Bar-at-Law, he was attracted to the Communist worldview, embraced the ideology and returned to India in 1940 not to don the black robes but to plunge directly into the freedom struggle by joining the Communist Party. Karl Marx had once said that when an idea grips the minds of the masses, it becomes a material force. The desire for independence from British rule had gripped the Indian masses when Jyoti Basu joined the Communist movement. He, however, was thinking ahead of what should be the character and content of independent India.  The political independence that would be achieved needed to be converted into the true economic independence of every Indian. This meant the creation of a socialist society where exploitation of man by man simply ceases to exist.  It is with this passion that remained undiluted till the end that he served the  Indian people.  During the course of his long and illustrious life, he had to face many trials and tribulations but the commitment to the cause, however, never wavered.  He is a `role model’ precisely for this reason: sheer power of his commitment to his convictions.

            Modern India, post independence, was evolving through major struggles that led eventually to the integration of the feudal princely States into the Indian Union.  The struggles led by the Communists brought to the fore the agenda of land reforms and the abolition of feudal zamindari and other land tenure systems.  This was also the period when the various linguistic nationalities in India which had united in the struggle for freedom, were seeking their distinct identity.  A process that finally led to the linguistic reorganisation of the Indian States in 1956. 

          Jyoti Basu's political evolution converged  with the evolution of modern India based irrevocably on the premise that the recognition and celebration of India's diversity can only be on the basis of its secular democratic foundations.  

            Jyoti Basu's firm commitment to our country's secular democratic character and administrative structures  remained a constant feature of his work and activities.  As communal forces represent the very antithesis of this evolution of modern India, Jyoti Basu worked to isolate and defeat the communal forces and strengthen the secular polity. 

          Simultaneously, his entire concentration was on  carrying forward the struggle to convert India's political independence into economic independence for its people – socialism.  Within the Indian Communist movement, however, a very intense ideological battle erupted on how this was to be achieved.  Steering clear and battling against both the  right and left deviations, Jyoti Basu, alongwith his other comrades who eventually formed the CPI(M), adopted the correct line of combining parliamentary and extra parliamentary activity and struggles to achieve this objective.    Jyoti Basu excelled in using parliamentary democracy, its institutions and fora for both advancing this struggle and simultaneously providing greater relief to the people.

          The implementation of land reforms, the deepening of democracy by developing the panchayati raj institutions and the articulation of the need for better centre-state relations to strengthen India's federal character were some of his  important contributions to the process of the consolidation of modern India.  These apart, he was one of the first to constitute separate ministries for environment and science and technology. 

            Apart from all these, the main facet of Jyoti Basu's personality that attracted people towards him was his unassailable faith in them.  He would always urge the Party and its cadre to go to the people and explain to them what we are doing and take them into confidence. This faith in the people was the strength of his credibility. They never questioned or even doubted his integrity. 

JYOTI BASU AS CM

           Jyoti Basu voluntarily demitted office of the chief ministership in West Bengal, in 2000, after a record tenure of 23 long years, setting new standards of political culture and morality in India. The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) had accepted his desire to step down since he was not satisfied with not being able to discharge his administrative responsibilities as he was  capable of doing earlier. In an atmosphere where the lust for power has seldom seen people demitting office on such considerations, this had come as a breath of fresh air.

             When Jyoti Basu took over as chief minister in 1977, the poverty ratio in West Bengal was nearly 52 per cent. In 1994, this had come down to 26 per cent, a decline of 4.2 per cent per year. West Bengal thus ranked the first, in poverty reduction, amongst all states in India. Incidentally, the state ranking second is Kerala, with 3.7 per cent decline per year. (source: India: Policies to Reduce Poverty, World Bank, 2000).  In comparison, the rate for Maharashtra was 2.7 percent and in 1994 43.5 per cent of its population lived in poverty.

        Similarly, in terms of annual rates of growth of the Gross state Domestic Product, West Bengal ranked No 3, behind Gujarat and Maharashtra with a 6.9 per cent growth per annum. Between 1991-92 and 1997-98 in per capita terms, it stood once again in third place following Gujarat and Maharashtra with a 5.04 per annum increase. (source: Montek Singh Ahluwalia, EPW, May 6, 2000).

            Phenomenal advances have been made in the sphere of  agriculture. During this period, West Bengal was transformed from being a chronic heavy food deficit state into one with surplus. By the time Jyoti Basu demitted office, it became the highest rice producing state in the country. West Bengal contributed nearly 20 per cent of the increase in rice production in the entire country. The yield per hectare has also shown substantial increase. More than 90 per cent of the state's agricultural holdings belong to marginal and small farmers, as a result of the success of Operation Barga.  As a result of the successful implementation of land reforms, noted economist Dr Nilakant Rath then analysed that the growth in per capita net domestic product of the agricultural production between 1981-82 and 1994-95 went up by 22 per cent for the whole of India but in West Bengal it went up by a whopping 70 per cent. In 1981-82, West Bengal was amongst the lowest in the country with its per capita net agricultural product being 18 per cent lower than the all India average. By 1994-95, it was above the all India average by about 10 per cent.

          These phenomenal achievements in agriculture have once again validated the position that land reforms are not an exercise meant only to achieve distributive rights. While achieving this they also unleashed rapid leaps in productivity which go a long way in reducing the overall levels of poverty.

               In terms of distributive justice, it merits repetition that during Jyoti Basu's tenure as chief minister, 13 lakh acres of agricultural land were distributed amongst the landless. These were illegally held by vested interests in the past. Even if a nominal value of Rs One lakh per hectare is considered, then the value of the land distributed would be to the tune of  Rs 13 crore. Such has been the dimension of asset redistribution in West Bengal in favour of the poor and landless.

            Thus by all counts, West Bengal during these 23 years under Jyoti Basu's stewardship had shown that it is possible to both alleviate poverty and stimulate growth. But, one should not miss the wood for the trees. All this was possible not because Jyoti Basu or the Left Front government blindly embraced the economic policies of liberalisation. This was possible because they made one fundamental departure from the economic philosophy of liberalisation. And that is in the decisive role of State intervention in achieving the objectives and priorities. Contrary to the liberalisation pundits who advocate the withdrawal of the State from the economic sphere and abdication by the State of its social responsibilities, the Left Front government in West Bengal has played the role of the catalyst in stimulating economic development and the role of the initiator in generating sweeping agrarian reforms.

STERLING PERSONAL QUALITIES

            During my association with Comrade Jyoti Basu in our Party’s Central Committee for over two and a half decades, there are many admirable qualities of his that need to be emulated.  One, is his unassailable faith in the power of reasoning based on the Marxist outlook.  No argument can ever be won with him on the basis of passion or emotions. 

          The other facet of his personality is humaneness.   During  these years, I had on a few occasions travelled abroad with him, when he held the office of the chief minister.  Being the chief minister of West Bengal, he,  naturally,  was entitled to a preferential treatment. But, he always preferred  to travel with other comrades and, till his last day in office, travelled only in the economy class of Indian Airlines.  During such visits, he would, forever, be concerned about the welfare of the other comrades always by taking interest in their comforts and needs. I have, for instance, never seen him losing his patience even once!

          Another enduring quality of his was a self-imposed discipline with which he conducted his personal and political life.  He displayed the rearest of soldier-like quality when his opinion in 1996 to accept the offer to become the prime minister in the United Front government  was rejected by a majority of the Central Committee.  Subsequently, the Party Congress at Kolkata in 1998 had endorsed the Central Committee majority opinion.  Notwithstanding his personal opinion, he, till the end, upheld the majority view  and worked steadfastly discharging his responsibilities.  Such steadfast loyalty to the organisational principles of a Communist Party and its strict norms of discipline is a quality that the younger generation needs to emulate. 

               Comrade Jyoti Basu had a unique sense of humour.  In September 1993, both of us travelled to Cuba at the invitation of the Communist Party of Cuba for meetings with Fidel Castro and the Party leadership.  We travelled via the Spanish capital, Madrid. On our return journey, we had a full day waiting to catch the flight back to India.  The Indian Ambassador to Spain asked if there was anything in particular we would like to see in Madrid.  Comrade Jyoti Basu looked at me. I said that since the original `Guernica’ of Picasso was in a museum in Madrid, it would be nice to see that.  This conversation was on our way to Cuba. However, when we returned to Madrid, Comrade Jyoti Basu was not really feeling up to the mark to visit the museum. He suggested that I should however go. Upon which the Indian Ambassador said that the museum was being specially opened, on its scheduled off day, for Jyoti Basu.  Hearing this, JB said, “How would they recognise Jyoti Basu as they had never seen him before! Let Sitaram go, they would not know the difference!”  Eventually I did go alone, the museum was opened and I saw the `Guernica’!

CARRY FORWARD THE STRUGGLES

           The consolidation of the modern Indian Republic and elevating the much required bar of political morality can be achieved only by pursuing this course as  lived by Jyoti Basu.  The strengthening of the secular democratic foundations and, importantly, to complete the unfinished task of converting  the political independence of the country into the true economic emancipation of the people, will define the contours  of such a consolidation.  The widening hiatus between `shining' and `suffering' India needs to be overcome.

      This, in turn, requires, from all of us, the strengthening of the spirit of selfless service to the people and the country.  Pledging his body to serve medical science, Jyoti Basu on April 4, 2003, wrote : “As a Communist, I am pledged to serve humanity till my last breath.  I am happy that now I will continue to serve even after my death.”

              Jyoti Basu's indomitable fighting spirit that he displayed all his life was there to be seen in his death as well.  Running his 96th year when he was brought to the hospital with pneumonia, medical science and doctors, naturally, saw not much hope.  Jyoti Basu, as always, was to surprise everybody.  For 17 days, the fight continued.  `Never say give up' sums up the spirit of his life.

         He is the last of the original nine member Polit Bureau to leave us – the navaratnas that founded the CPI(M) and steered it  through very troubling and exacting times.  The only homage that we can pay to Comrade Jyoti Basu is by redoubling our resolve to carry forward the struggle for human emancipation and liberty to its logical conclusion. 

        

Lal Salam Comrade Jyoti Basu.
courtesy :  People's Democracy